The process by which voters choose various parties for different offices in elections is known as ticket-splitting. To put it another way, in an election where multiple offices are contested on a single ballot, voters will vote for one party for one position and another party for another.
Individual voters spread their votes across various parties during an election using a ticket splitter. When more than one office is up for election, this sort of voting takes place. It is regarded as a viable alternative to straight-ticket voting.
Ticket splitting can differ along with two significant aspects, starting with this broad description.
The papers in this collection are arranged in Table 1 along these two axes.
|
Concurrent |
Non-concurrent |
Horizontal |
Mixed member systems elections |
Staggered multi-member elections |
Vertical |
Presidential-legislative elections |
Midterm and by-elections |
Just as our ticket-splitting hypotheses should aim for generalizability, they can and should be modelled as part of a bigger theory of voter choice, one that gives us a baseline model of voting in each of the elections under consideration. Researchers should be as clear as possible about which model they are using to guide their research paper.
One of the theories that have been thoroughly explored in this Symposium is 'strategic balance' (Fiorina, 1996; Kedar, 2005). A model like this is generated from a simple spatial proximity model in which voters choose policies closest to their ideal spots (Downs, 1957).
The balancing model includes several assumptions regarding voter intelligence, including the idea that voters can reason about how institutions interact to achieve policy results. It may be natural to use a balancing paradigm when the policy is a convex mixture of policy inputs from two institutions.
If the authorities of the two institutions are separated along jurisdictional boundaries, voter motivation should be adjusted accordingly.
Extensions of the theory include policy discounting (Lacy and Paolino, 1998) and coordination (Mebane, 2000), and hence have broader implications for our understanding of voter behaviour. We must also recognise, as Brunell and Grofman's contribution in this Symposium shows, that the basic spatial model can explain ticket-splitting without necessitating strategic balancing (Grofman et al., 2000).
For more than three decades, split party control of the executive and legislative branches has been a distinguishing feature of American national politics, the longest period of frequent divided Government in the country's history.
Even though voters failed to produce a split federal government in the 2000 elections, the party defection of a single U.S.U.S. senator (former Republican James Jeffords of Vermont) resulted in the formation of another divided national government.
Furthermore, because of the highly consolidated competitive balance between the two major parties, ticket splitters are sometimes used to determine which party controls each branch of Government.
These characteristics of American politics have sparked much speculation regarding the origins of split-ticket voting.
Split-ticket voting, while uncommon, has the potential to be employed as a tactical voting method. A voter favours candidate A but does not believe that candidate A can win the electoral votes for candidate B (who may be from a different political party than candidate A) because candidate B is better than more competitive candidates C, D, etc.
Split-ticket voting is also possible in elections that use different voting systems. A voter who chooses a candidate from a minority party for an office determined by a proportional representation election system and a candidate from a larger party for an office determined by a first past the post-election system is an example.
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Alesina, A., Rosenthal, H., 1995. Partisan Politics, Divided Government, and the Economy. Cambridge University Press, New York.
Campbell, A., Miller, W.E., 1957. The motivational basis of straight and split-ticket voting. American Political Science Review 51, 293–312.
Downs, A., 1957. An Economic Theory of Democracy. Harper, New York
Fiorina, M.P., 1996. Divided Government, seconded. Allyn & Bacon, Needham Heights, MA.
Grofman, B., Koetzle, W., McDonald, M., Brunell, T.L., 2000. A new look at split-ticket outcomes for House and president: The comparative midpoints model. Journal of Politics 62, 35–50.
Kedar, O., 2005. When moderate voters prefer extreme parties: Policy balancing in parliamentary elections. American Political Science Review 99, 185–199.
Lacy, D., Paolino, P., 1998. Downsian voting and the separation of powers. American Journal of Political Science 24, 1180–1199.
Mebane Jr., W.R., 2000. Coordination, moderation, and institutional balancing in American presidential and House elections. American Political Science Review 94, 37–57.
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